Underestimating Sudan and What That Means to the Region, the U.S., and the World

Underestimating Sudan and What That Means to the Region, the U.S., and the World

Faith McDonnell

Watch her speaker playlist

About the speaker

At the Institute of Religion and Democracy since 1993, Faith McDonnell is the Director of Religious Liberty Programs and of the Church Alliance for a New Sudan.

She writes and speaks on the subject of the persecuted church and has organized rallies and vigils for Sudan in front of the White House, the State Department, the Canadian Embassy, and the Sudanese Embassy. She has drafted legislation on religious persecution for the Episcopal Church and for the United States Congress. In June 2007, her book, Girl Soldier: A Story of Hope for Northern Uganda’s Children, was published by Chosen Books, a division of Baker Publishing Group.

She is a Contributing Editor to Providence: A Journal of Christianity and American Foreign Policy and writes for such publications as Breitbart, The Stream, FrontPageMag, PJMedia, and with Chelsen Vicari has a blog site, Faith&Chelsen: Tackling Tough Topics in Church & Culture, on the Patheos Evangelical Channel.

Faith is a member of Church of the Apostles, Anglican, and serves on the church’s international missions committee. She serves as a board member for several human rights organizations.

She previously spoke at Westminster on A Visit to South Sudan (February 20, 2014).


Robert Reilly:

Tonight, we’re extremely pleased to have a real friend of the Westminster Institute who we’ve been happy to have here a number of times who’s going to talk about the very important subject of Sudan tonight.

As you probably know, Faith McDonald has served at the Institute on Religion and Democracy as the director of religious liberty programs and of the Church Alliance for a New Sudan. It’s a subject on which she has frequently written. In fact, today, Faith has a new piece out in Breitbart on this subject. Faith has been very active in creating and supporting rallies on the subject of Sudan, most recently in front of the White House again, the State Department, Canadian embassy, Sudanese embassy. She has drafted legislation on religious persecution for the Episcopal Church and for the United States Congress.

As you may know, the United States recently declared its position or rather its decision to lift the sanctions it had imposed on the Sudanese regime of Al Bashir, which has hosted and assisted terrorists and persecuted Christian minorities.

Faith also has a book on a different subject, which she published in 2007, “Girls Soldier: A Story of Hope for Northern Uganda’s Children.” She’s a contributing editor to Providence, the Journal of Christianity and American Foreign Policy. We have complimentary copies of Providence out on the table for any of you who are interested. Faith also serves on the board of a number of human rights organizations. Her topic tonight is “Underestimating Sudan and what that means to the region, the U.S., and the World.”

Faith McDonnell:

Underestimating Sudan. For years I tried to figure out what’s wrong. Why aren’t we getting it? Why is nothing changing in the work that I’ve been doing for 24 years now on Sudan and South Sudan. And, it occurred to me finally, not not like that recently, but sometime along those years that we are underestimating this regime, big time. The U.S. has done that.

So, at the Institute on Religion and Democracy as Bob said I direct the religious liberty program and what we call the Church Alliance for a New Sudan, which was taken from the vision of Dr. John Garang to have a Sudan that would be for all people, everyone treated equally, religious freedom, secular democracy.

So, this was before the CPA was signed and the South Sudan became a country that we we did that. And I’ll tell you a little bit more about my work as I go along because it fits into this but U.S.-Sudan policy, as I said it, we underestimate Sudan because it’s been what seems like a good thing, but it’s rooted in humanitarian concern. Our U.S. policy on Sudan and South Sudan has been rooted in humanitarian concern.

It’s the band-aid approach. Sudanese people and South Sudanese people have said that to me for years. We’re extremely generous and compassionate but we really don’t get it. We have been great to the victims without acknowledging or stopping the victimizers. We’ve underestimated Sudan. We treat genocide as a humanitarian issue. We have a faulty perception of Sudan’s ideology.

Now, when I say we, you know, I don’t know who the we is. I’m sure there are people in the Central Intelligence Agency who totally get it. There are people in the military who totally get it. But somehow our policy has not translated to that. We’ve consistently ignored warnings from Sudan’s marginalized people, the people who could be our best allies, our best sources of intelligence because they would give us intelligence that’s real, that’s not lies, the way the Khartoum government has. And Sudan’s remaking of itself in the last three years has been one of those warnings. We just ignore those things.

So, the first reason we underestimate Sudan is we underestimate their capacity and their willful intent to commit genocide, you know, so genocide just happens, you know. It’s people fighting each other and genocide takes place. No, it’s willful intent because while our policy is rooted in humanitarian concern, their policy is rooted in Jihad. That’s why there’s genocide because it’s a jihad.

So here’s a map of Sudan and South Sudan and, you know, we’re going to talk about the five genocides that have taken place. So we’ve got the genocide in South Sudan and then the genocide in the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile, the genocide in Darfur over here, the genocide back in Nuba Mountains again, and Blue Nile. People shouldn’t have to go through genocide twice.

But, the plan is, as I said, it’s jihad. So the whole country is supposed to be one and this came about now in South Sudan right after Sudan’s independence. There was also a war of genocide, a war basically, the Anyanya War, but I’m not even going to talk about that one. It was 1989 when President Omar al-Bashir came into power and they launched what they called al-mashruu al hadari, the Civilization Project. The Civilization Project was for the total Islamization and Arabization of the country and that’s what you call a civilization. If you don’t have that, you’re not civilized.

Basically, you may know that when 9/11 happened President Bashir sent his condolences to the U.S. and he specifically said, ‘we’re very sorry for the death of civilians.’ Well, that means something different to him than it would to us. So this was the ‘Civilization Project’. Civilians are only Sharia-compliant Muslims.

The SPLM and A, Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army, was launched to counter that. You know, even in the early days when I was working at IRD, they talked about well, the rebels, you know, the warlords… and our media didn’t know what to make of this, didn’t know if they should choose sides because mostly humanitarian groups weren’t choosing sides because if they did they couldn’t get in to help people.

But, the FPLMA was launched to counter that civilization project, to say, ‘No, we’re not all the same but we’re all equal. We should all have part of this country. We should have a secular democracy with religious freedom.’ And that was John Garang’s vision of a new Sudan.

But the Sudan government created a Popular Defense Force, a militia from Arab nomadic tribes, using propaganda, telling them that you’re fighting jihad against these people that want to force everyone to become a Christian and they’re going to spread Christianity throughout Africa. So they recruited people that way and also recruited officers from the Muslim Brotherhood because the Muslim Brotherhood is very strong in Sudan.

In fact, right now, the ones who are running Sudan are people who were rewarded for fighting in the jihad against the south. There are people who are running hospitals, running universities. This was their reward for waging jihad against the south. Before I get to two, let me just tell you a little bit more about the genocide in South Sudan because it never was declared a genocide the way Darfur was declared a genocide.

But, you know, working on it for many years… In 1998 Dr. Millard Burr, who was then at the U.S. Committee for Refugees, did a report called quantifying genocide in Sudan in the Nuba Mountains, 1998, and there were already 1.8 million people dead in South Sudan and the Nuba Mountains at that time, and it went on till 2005, so you can imagine how many more people died. It was starvation. You’ve seen that that horrible picture of the child with the vulture behind him, the starvation in areas like Bahr El-Ghazal, aerial bombardment mostly using Antonovs, old Russian Antonovs, throwing barrel bombs out of the plan. I had a friend who testified before Congress because she was actually there, Fran Boyle – Suzanne, you know Fran- on a mission when the bombing took place and a child died because they got out of the – what do you call it – the foxhole before the shrapnel had finished flying. You know, the shrapnel just would fly and shear through everything.

Slave rapes: it wasn’t very popular and IRD and a few others were stood with Christian Solidarity International that was redeeming people out of slavery. Others were saying, you know, that’s so distasteful, you’re paying for people. Yeah, we’re paying to get them out of slavery.

The former Lost Boys, these were the young boys who were watching the cattle in the cattle camps and when the raiders came and attacked their villages and they walked from South Sudan to Ethiopia. They lived in Ethiopia and then had to flee from Ethiopia, walked back, and then ended up in Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya where they grew up and some of those Lost Boys… Well, when they got off the planes, they had stories to tell and I was just saying today that I think that one of the reasons why we even paid attention to South Sudan were the former slaves and the former Lost Boys who told their stories. Now, some of those former Lost Boys are bishops and archbishops.

One of the other things that they did, this is another way we underestimate Sudan, they use the divide and conquer strategy. They used this on South Sudan, so they pitted against southerners not always by tribal groups, although sometimes, but by the ones who were ambitious, who wanted power and particularly, Riak Machar, who has also been the problem in this latest conflict that is going on in South Sudan.

Machar left John Garang and Khartoum took him and said we’re gonna make you the president of South Sudan if you fight for us, and so, southerners were killing southerners. In fact, more southerners killed southerners than northerners did. Most of that, the policy was also use a slave to kill a slave, but I guess they didn’t tell Riak that.

We move to genocide number two. This was the same time, basically, 1989 to ’91, the Nuba began to fight with the southerners against the north because they believed in the vision of John Garang too, so they joined and of course, were automatically attacked. I said ’92 because that’s when jihad was formally declared against the Nuba by the governor of South Kordofan, which is the Arab name for the Nuba Mountains. That was just devastating, what happened there, the same kind of things as in South Sudan: bombings, villages burned, scorched earth, which is, you know, they come in and burn all the crops, they kill all the the cattle and and everything else.

The Nuba are farmers. They’re just amazing. They don’t like having to depend on anybody else but this happened. There were peace camps where the North put people and would only feed them if they would convert to Islam, to northern style-Islam, because the Nuba are about 50 percent Christian, 50 percent Muslim but everybody gets along. The the leader of the SPLA in the north now, Commander Abdelaziz Adam Al-Hiloo, is a Muslim who loves Christians. He loves me, so I know he loves Christians. And these are these are amazing people and they were almost totally wiped out by this.

I was at the Episcopal Church’s General Convention in 1994, talking about what was happening in the Nuba Mountains, and we tried to get a resolution passed that talked about the forced Islamization of people and we had a debate about that because people said, ‘You can’t say that. That’s, you know, you’re saying that Islam is a bad thing’. They said, ‘No, we’re saying forced is a bad thing’, but we finally found some language that everybody could agree on.

So this was happening also in Blue Nile Province. This was part of the same genocide but it was a different genocide because it was against a different group, a group of over 40 tribes in the Nuba Mountains and, as I said, it was a policy of deracination and acculturation to try to rid the culture of the Nuba and to bring them into the Arab, Islamist culture.

Before we get to Darfur, the U.S. made efforts to stop the genocide and they were big efforts, you know, I tried to help with them a lot, but they were still rooted in humanitarian issues and believing that Khartoum plays win-win, you know, everybody wins isn’t this great we’ll have a peace agreement and everyone will win but Khartoum doesn’t play win-win, it only plays win-lose.

So we did what we could, you know, President Clinton was actually the one who put those sanctions – that President Trump just lifted – on Sudan, so we had that to start with but then when President Bush came into office we got him to make speeches, to use the bully pulpit, to talk about the disaster in Sudan. You know, disaster, that’s a humanitarian issue. We changed U.S. food aid delivery so that it would be given through groups other than just Operation Lifeline Sudan, the UN Food Program, because they gave coordinates to Khartoum where they were delivering food and then Khartoum would drop bombs on the people while they were waiting to get the food. So that was actually Senator Bill Frist who was responsible for getting that changed.

The anti-slavery task force, when we finally did push people to realize yes, there’s actually slavery going on in Sudan, there was an anti-slavery task force that was actually led by one of the founders of IRD, Pen Campbell. If anybody remembers the late Pen Campbell, he did that. The Sudan special envoy position, we pushed to get that and the Bush administration was thinking of making President Carter this – this is kind of coming out for the first time here – the the first Sudan special envoy and we said no, no, we don’t want President Carter, please, and I managed to find some material where President Carter had actually called Omar al-Bashir ‘an enlightened and courageous leader’, so when I got that to them they said, no, I guess this isn’t the guy we want, so it was former Senator Danforth.

Jack Danforth was the first Sudan special envoy in the Rose Garden on September 6th, my birthday, 2001, he was made the Sudan special envoy and we thought, you know, wow, things are gonna happen. And then five days later, 9/11. I was in the Rayburn House Office Building for a press conference on Sudan and Sudan connections to terrorism, trying to get capital market sanctions against Sudan and you know what happened, all hell broke loose, literally, but we did get the Sudan Peace Act passed in 2002.

So part of the the work towards peace talks with Khartoum and the SPLA, SPLM was a ceasefire in the Nuba Mountains, so I really think that Senator Danforth saved the Nuba. I think they would have been wiped out if it hadn’t been for Danforth, pushing for this ceasefire in the Nuba Mountains as one of the benchmarks for the the peace talks that would eventually take place.

So, we move on to genocide three. In 2003 it started, or at least we became more aware of it, in Darfur and as you saw, Darfur was on the west of Sudan and this was again, you know, that the Darfurians saw what was happening with the peace talks and it looked like the South was going to become autonomous and Darfur wanted to be autonomous. They didn’t want to be treated like second-class citizens any more than southerners did, so they started to rebel and the government responded by slaughtering civilians, which it always does, you know, this is a war where civilians are slaughtered deliberately in every one of these cases.

So the government funded and armed Arab militias called Janjaweed. You probably remember hearing about them with the whole Save Darfur campaign and everything that’s gone on. There was aerial bombardment just like in the south and in the Nuba Mountains followed by these Janjaweed attacks, burned villages, mass rape, mass slaughter. And when they killed people, they would throw them in the wells to contaminate the water too, destruction of crops. But, in the case of Darfur, it took a year for declaration of genocide to take place in September 2004 by Secretary Powell.

So, you know, you I was just asked why do you think things didn’t happen with the south and they happened in in Darfur like this? Part of it was the bank account that the people who worked on Darfur had and the fact that they had movie stars working with them, you know, I brought a bishop from South Sudan to the State Department once to talk to – it was Paula Dobrianski back then – and there was all this hustle going on and bustle and in the hallways and Bishop Bulandoli said to me, “What’s going on?” and they said, “Oh, well, Richard Gere is here to talk about Tibet,” so everyone was looking out their doors, wanted to see Richard Gere, and we’re so interested aind everything he had to say. And Bishop Bulandoli said to me, “I wish that we had someone like that for South Sudan.”

Never did, you know, I tried I go to every like Christian rock concert I could and say to the bands, ‘you need to talk about South Sudan’, but it didn’t do a lot of good, but Darfur, thank god, had a different story. Although, you know, even when the declaration of genocide happened, it really didn’t make that much of a difference. Darfur was more well known but it was still happening. There was even just recently a mass rape, just a couple of years ago, and chemical weapons that Amnesty and Human Rights Watch have both documented. With all of these, as I said, its jihad and once jihad is declared, it’s never rescinded, so you can have peace talks that go on. Darfur had the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act, which brought everybody together again, thinking, ‘Oh, this is gonna be a win-win situation but there’s never a win-win with Khartoum’.

Nuba Mountains, as we’ll see, you know, deja vu, Nuba genocide again because once jihad is declared, it’s never rescinded and the South, what’s going on right now in South Sudan is part of the jihad that the north declared against the south years ago. They, you know, they give up graciously and allow the south to become a country and then do everything they can to undermine it.

Genocide number four, the Nuba Mountains, again, and that started just as the South was becoming independent. And we underestimate Sudan’s patience too, so, and their long view of history that they’re gonna get what they need eventually. I forgot to say too, in Darfur as in other places, there’s repatriation going on. That’s part of genocide too. There’s a repatriation of the areas of Darfur with Arabs from outside even the country, and this is also happening in areas that we haven’t talked about in Nubia, in the far north, and in the bejaland in Eastern Sudan where the the indigenous people are being pushed out and replaced with people who are more in line with the government of Sudan. It’s a demographic alteration of Sudan.

The Comprehensive Peace Act, we should say too, made South Sudan first a regional government, part of the government of national unity, and then just days later, the death (murder) of John Garang took place in July 2005 but, genocide four was six years later, 2011, when the referendum on South Sudan took place in January 2011 to vote for independence. And then, in July, Independence Day for South Sudan, and get the significance of that. They wanted it to be July. They have said to me over and over we want to be like the United States. We want our independence to be celebrated in July. But we don’t consider them allies right now.

So genocide four started then. Commander of Abdelaziz’s house and compound were bombed by the government of Sudan. Abdelaziz had won the election to become governor and then was not allowed to become governor and so that started the whole protest again, which protests are met with mass slaughter, so that was what happened. The government of Sudan decided this was as good a time as any to get revenge on the Nuba for siding with Garang and the south. They didn’t get a deal with the CPA. They got kind of a half deal but they didn’t get what the South thought, so they really didn’t have the protection but the South had at that time.

So the genocide started in June and people were just being wiped out. They were going house to house, looking for Nuba and killing them in their houses. If they tried to flee, they were killing them on the roads and so what happened after the bombing started and the killings, people would flee to the caves and you may have seen the pictures of children in these caves in the Nuba Mountains. People were reduced to eating roots and leaves because they couldn’t farm because the the Antonovs would fly over and bomb them. But also, people die in the caves because there are insects and snakes in the caves that bite people and bite the children especially.

Others were displaced to South Sudan and to Kenya. Aida refugee camp in South Sudan, when I was there in October 2013, there were about 70,000 Nuba in Aida refugee camp and the UN was pushing to close the camp. They said that it was too close to the border and people were going back over the border and they were, gasp, supporting the SPLA North, which they shouldn’t be doing, so the UN didn’t like that.

When I was there even in 2013, there were no teachers. The Nuba taught the children themselves because the UN would not provide teachers in this UN camp. They were no longer registering people. They wouldn’t give them seeds to grow things just they had to eat the food that, you know, the UN brought in. But the Nuba are farmers, like I said, so people would sneak back over the border and get seeds and I saw some great gardens in Aida refugee camp. And they had little borders that were made by empty insecticide cans, which I thought, “Oh, this is probably not the greatest idea as a border,” but that’s that’s how they did it. And there were blocks of shops that the the Nuba did as well. But they’re still there Some have been pushed out. They were pushed into another camp, which basically was in a swamp not a very good place to be. Other people have gone back to the Nuba Mountains and just take their chances with the planes and say I’d rather die in my own area, but that’s it.

And then genocide five also started in 2011 just a few months later in Blue Nile state and I call this the North Korea of Sudan because we really don’t have a lot of information about Blue Nile State and what’s happening because they have banned humanitarian access and banned basically access to the area the government of Sudan has. But we know that there’s a blockade on aid, that there’s prevention of farming, that crops have been burned, cattle have been killed. This the same thing that they always do and again, division, divide and conquer. Khartoum divided the leaders of the marginalized people against each other, so the leader of Blue Nile State, Malik Agar, was wooed by Khartoum the way that Risk Machar was in the south to oppose the leader of the Nuba. And actually they have a conference going on right now in the Nuba Mountains to try to get things straightened out.

And I’m sorry, but the U.S. policy has exacerbated rather than supported the the marginalized people because they say, “Oh, you need you need to make peace. Everybody needs to be included.” The same thing with the north. We can’t even think about regime change or if we do it’s got to include everybody, including the people that you’re replacing, so we’re gonna move on from genocide and quickly finish with the other ways we underestimate Sudan.

Underestimating Sudan’s leadership in global jihad and terrorism: now, this is where it gets really fun. I have some letters and they give the evidence of Sudan’s collaboration with jihadists. These are leaked documents and they have been authenticated by the CIA and they show that our allies provide real, truthful intelligence because they risk their lives getting these documents to us and as I said, they’ve been authenticated by the CIA.

This first one is July 15, 2016, so it’s just last year. When we got it it was March of 2017. Ibrahim Awad Ali Al Bedri Al Samri, who knows who that is? Anybody know who he is? Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, the Caliph of the Islamic State. This is a letter to him from the Islamic movement in Sudan, basically, ISIS in Sudan, talking about money transfers through Turkey with their companies. Danfodio, if you know anything about Nigeria and Nigeria’s Islamists, that’s a great name for that and these other groups. Sudan is providing full accommodation for all transiting Mujahideen to North and West Africa. ISIS, okay? Sudan is helping ISIS get to North and West Africa.

And then, I mean, even if you look at the beginning of it, this was them congratulating him for becoming the Caliph of all Islamic State. The jihad in Sudan is excellent and we’re confident in you all. Your spirit and responsibility is how we are winning the war. And it goes on to say the nation of Sudan, the nation of Sudan, meaning the government of Sudan is helping us transfer our money from Islamic countries to the outside world, the infidel countries, those who are launching airstrikes against us. The Sudanese government has agreed to transfer our money and hard currency and gold bullion, so that the infidels cannot access it. And there’s what the letter actually looked like. We got it and my buddy translated it, who was at the agency.

Okay, here’s another one, November 14, 2016, this one is to the guy who’s the head of Hamas in Lebanon and it’s from the Lieutenant General of Security in the Office of the President, Taha Osman al-Hussein. When I was looking him up today to see, “Huh, I wonder if he’s really important or not. I found a picture of him, shaking hands with President Trump in Saudi Arabia.” I wonder if President Trump knows what kind of guy this is. This is just appalling, so it talks about them giving two million dollars in support of the Islamic State that you were founding in opposition to Western imperialism.

Let’s look at this part though, okay, so he met in Mauritania and thanks him for allowing us to assist in your fight to rebuild Jerusalem. We wish to help you embarrass the occupiers of Jerusalem. Okay, they’ll stop Israel from building settlements and work to gain support for Palestine, so that is what they’re doing and they’re gonna give them two million dollars, so now that the sanctions are lifted, economic sanctions, imagine how much more money they’re going to give to groups like Hamas and ISIS and everybody else.

Here’s another one, June 15, 2016, from the same guy who shook hands with our president. He’s the director of the Islamic movement in Sudan and he’s talking this time to the Taliban and says he appreciates their efforts and their exchanging military intelligence and tactics and other issues in other global Islamic movements. Bashir delegated this guy – okay, so the President of Sudan – to congratulate them, be patient, and do not panic. Allah will finish our enemies in the world. Stay steady and repentant and be confident in Sharia.

Okay, so, and then, you know, he’s just waxing eloquent, “We will be a shining light for Allah, Islam, and jihad, so we can defeat America and their allies.” Do you think he told President Trump, “We’re gonna defeat you and your allies,” I don’t think so.

And then this last one. This is an old one but I thought it was still worth putting in here because this is to Ayman al Zawahiri and they wrote this right after bin Laden was killed, so this is Sudan, renewing their allegiance to the new leader of al-Qaeda and this happened just before South Sudan independence and the war on the Nuba started. And I won’t read you this whole thing but just that they’re renewing their allegiance, they’re quoting from the Qur’an, saying we must remain united to defeat our enemies, and the interesting thing about this too is bin Laden was in Sudan.

Now, most people know he was in Sudan you know for like six years at one point but this is later. I’m talking about he was in Sudan on and off while he was living in Pakistan and we had people telling us, you know, this person was working in the president’s house, palace actually, Omar al-Bashir’s palace, and was the person who handed the cup to Osama bin Laden but we couldn’t get anybody to pay attention to it or believe it. And, you know, there’s a there’s a quote from Eli Wiesel. I can’t remember it exactly but it talks about how the Nazis did things so terrible that nobody would believe it. That it was unbelievable and that’s how they got away with it. That’s how Sudan gets away with that. That’s how we underestimate them.

Okay, the next point for underestimating Sudan’s ability to successfully lie and deceive about everything – I’m not at all subtle – to get what it wants and to get the sanctions lifted. And I would recommend to you this group, Sudan Democracy First Group. You can find them on the website under that title, Sudan Democracy First, and then this just talks about them remaking their image. Of course, they did that with the help of lobbyists, and they did it by [saying], “We’ll take in all these these Syrian refugees for you, West, Europe, and ease your burden.” Well, they only do it because they’re radicalizing them when they’re there.

So, on the same day that Obama issued the executive order, the Treasury made monetary transactions for Sudan, which now are permanent, paving the way for debt forgiveness. Open U.S. Sudan cooperation began with the partial lifting and then there were these five tracks that the U.S. government said well, if Sudan does well on these then will will reassess it and maybe we’ll make this lifting of sanctions permanent.

So these were the five tracks: increased cooperation in the War on Terror, cessation of LRA, the Lord’s Resistance Army, Joseph Kony, who slaughtered people in Uganda and Sudan and the DRC and CAR, the maintenance of ceasefire in areas of conflict in Sudan, and allowing the delivery of humanitarian assistance, that means into the Nuba Mountains and everything.

And that became like the, just the thing that the State Department was obsessed with, ‘Well, if they let the humanitarian assistance in and everything’s good’, but the SPLA North said, ‘No, we’re not fighting for food. We’re fighting for freedom’, so the final decision was to be made. Well, you might say, you know, well, all those letters you showed, that was the period between January 2017 and October, you know, maybe they had their come-to-Jesus moment and they just changed totally and they don’t do things like that anymore.

MSNBC Excerpt

Greta Van Susteren (For the Record with Greta):

Today, the Trump White House condemned brutal regimes like North Korea that don’t respect the rule of law or human decency but what about Sudan? On Friday, we told you about the hidden effort to ease sanctions on Sudan despite the vicious cruelty of the dictator Bashir. Now, a DC law firm, Squire Patton, Boggs is being paid $40,000 a month by Bashir to help him lobby the Trump administration to lift sanctions against him. Today, protesters gathered in front of the law firm, telling them to drop Bashir as a client to stop helping this masked killer, who incidentally is also under indictment for genocide. The Trump administration has until July 12th to decide whether sanctions temporarily lifted in January should now be permanently lifted and whether to lift all the remaining sanctions. I’ve been to Sudan. I’ve seen the devastation with my own eyes. Mr. President, do not let this brutal dictator off the hook. You can prevent this one. Keep those sanctions on.

See the rest of her talk on YouTube…